Chaikasem Nitisiri: Thaksin and Pheu Thai’s Last Hope?
If the Constitutional Court finds Prime Minister and Culture Minister Paetongtarn Shinawatra guilty—a ruling that appears increasingly likely following a 7–2 vote to suspend her from office—the Pheu Thai Party will be left with its only remaining list-candidate for the premiership: Chaikasem Nitisiri. A longtime Shinawatra-family loyalist, Chaikasem has been passed over twice before, due in part to health concerns following a stroke. Now, seemingly out of options, Thaksin may have to roll the dice on him—provided, of course, that the coalition partners are willing to back the move.
Chaikasem is not a familiar name outside of political circles. His polling numbers are unknown, but would likely fall in the single digits to low-teens. Now 76 —one year senior to Thaksin—he is a trained lawyer who served as a public prosecutor and attorney general before becoming justice minister in the Yingluck Shinawatra government. Over the past weekend, PPTV aired a one-on-one interview with him, providing insight into his background, health, and opinion on key issues, including potentially becoming the next prime minister.
The first issue discussed was his health and fitness—a key concern that could affect both public confidence and his ability to serve in office. Chaikasem stated that he had previously suffered a stroke but has now recovered. He said the blood clot and smaller clots have since dissolved, and that he does not need surgery or require medication. According to him, doctors offered little further advice apart from avoiding the heat—hence his new preference for early tee times. Photos showing him playing golf recently surfaced—almost certainly a strategic move to signal that his health has improved.
The interview then turned to his relationship with Thaksin, and the question on everyone’s mind: if he becomes prime minister, will he be his own man or simply a puppet? Chaikasem stated emphatically that he will not be bossed around and that he will speak his mind when he disagrees. He explained that while he is not stubborn and is willing to listen, he believes a leader must have full decision-making authority. Chaikasem noted that he is not as close to Thaksin as he is to Yingluck, whose government he served in. Still, he believes Thaksin has a certain level of trust in him and sees him as someone he can talk to.
Notably, Chaikasem stated that he is not actively seeking the role of prime minister but would accept it if called upon, stressing that he is content in retirement—playing golf and spending time with his children and grandchildren. His remarks could be seen as a show of respect for Paetongtarn who is still technically the prime minister. They also help cast Chaikasem as the elder statesman—unambitious, unthreatening, and above the political fray. Just as importantly, they send a clear message to Thaksin that his influence has limits: push too hard, and he may simply walk away.
The interview also addressed contentious issues such as the entertainment complex bill and his earlier remarks on the royal defamation law (Section 112 of the Criminal Code). On the entertainment bill, Chaikasem said that he is not opposed to legalizing casinos and gambling, acknowledging that people like it and better to bring it above ground, but warned that there needs to be clear, well-defined regulations—it cannot become a free-for-all. Discussing 112, he said his position is not to amend the law, as it has already been debated and enacted. Rather, his concern is with how the law is enforced by the authorities.
Chaikasem’s interview offered a rare glimpse of the man who may soon find himself as the next prime minister. He appeared in decent health and spoke thoughtfully on the issues—enough, at least, to maybe ease some concerns about his fitness for office. He projected the image of a seasoned hand, unlikely to repeat the missteps that have recently plagued Paetongtarn. As a leader, he is likely to embody a principled pragmatism: grounded in law and reason, measured in tone, and open to differing views and perspectives.
Chaikasem is undoubtedly well-credentialed and may offer a dose of much-needed political maturity. But Pheu Thai is on life-support. What the party requires is a crash economic program—one that installs capable hands and delivers results at lightening speed. That, in turn, demands leadership with vision, charisma, and the political authority to push through urgent reforms. Chaikasem is not that kind of leader. He is not a visionary, and it is far from clear that Thaksin would grant him the autonomy needed to carry out sweeping changes. His style favors caution and deliberation over bold, decisive action.
Like former Prime Minister Srettha, Chaikasem is also a political outsider, which will make it difficult for him to navigate party factions or manage an unruly coalition with a slim majority. The bureaucracy, meanwhile, tends to respond only when the leadership situation is clear—something that is unlikely to happen with Chaikasem because he will be viewed as a transitional leader. Pheu Thai’s dismal poll numbers and bleak political outlook reflect a collapse in confidence, one that extends into the bureaucracy itself. At best, Chaikasem may serve as a stabilizer while the party regroups. At worst, he risks being entirely ineffectual, deepening the political damage and further eroding the party’s credibility.